U1erddq C...Wfihl
ill Clinica A
REAGANOMICS TUREA TENS THE
FUTURE OF LA CLINICA AMISTAD
On May 5, 1982, La Clinica Amistad
received unofficial notification that the
Bureau of Community Health Services
{BCHS t was considering placing the clinic
~n the list of projects to be _phased out.
BCHS is the Washington area branch of the
Department' of Health and Human Ser­vices.
This action is part of the present ad­ministration's
economic ·program; a trend
that continues to hit hardest those programs
and services that respOnd to basic human
needs.
When the rumor was received locally, the
clinic's Boanl of Directors, community
leaders, local. state and national represen­tatives,
schools and local community
-organizations took immediate action to
defuse any consideration of phasing out the
clinic. The office of the BCHS director was
flooded with phone ·calls, letters and Peti­tions
from the community expressing their
concern over the rumor and, at the same
time, conveying the disastrous effect that
such an action would have on the residents
who live within the clinic. s service area.
In accordance with legislative intent, La
Clini.ca Amistad was established as a small '
neighborhood clinic to provide medical ser­vices
to the residents of a specified area.
This area is defined by the following: S.
Zarzamora on the west, from Saunders to
Frio City Rd; Frio City Rd and Southolme
on the south; IH 35 on the east; and,
Durango on the north from IH 35 to S.
Brazos, and Saunders from S. Brazos to S.
Zarzamora. Of the 19,629 people who live
within this service area, 10,500 are
· · Ha~-a
S~n Antonio J Jexas
istad Close?
registered. clients of the clinic. Eighty-three
pereent (83%) of the ~ clients fall
at, or below, the . income poverty level.
These are the worldng poor; people who
work and therefore, are not eligible for
weHare and people who, because of the type
of jobs they hold and wages they earn, ean­not
aHord. private medical inmrance.
Cir-4-
LCenaran
El pasado 25 de mayo Ia
administracion de Ia Clinica Amistad
· recibio notificacion que el Bur6 de
Servicios Comunitarios de Salud
(BCHS) planeabasuspender Ia clinica.
BCHS es un departamento de la
agenda federal del Departamento De
Servicios Humnos y Salud. Estaaccion
Senior Citizen registers to see a doctor
at the Clinica Amistade She is one of
thousands of patients treated there yearly.
ses ... I. ' n Tactics
U.s. Manu~fact
buses. c ·resc
The current labor strike against Handy
Andy ·offers S. A. worker in geperal and
union member in particular an important
lesMn: Rich companies are using anti­worker
practices fomented by the Reagan
administration to destroy the labor move­ment.
Using scare tactics such as cr0ng "we):~
going broke!!! n companies such as HaRdy
Andy, Inc., are using all the trick:es ·
available to them to c.reate an anti-union
climate in which to renew sup&-profitahle
operations like in the ''good old day,s.!'
Included in their hag of tricks is the uSe of
the commercial med~ like Bandy<'Andy ·
, has been dofug with KCOR· ~dio.,, to·
mislead the public. · .
A close look: at the company tactics shows
the follows: · · ' , 1
On September, 1981~ Handy A~dy., Inc .•
filed for baukruptcy claiming'tbat the com- ..
pany is ·~broke., It immediately iinPoSed • a ·
unilat«al 10% wage reduction · 'on all
employees. It -.1so demanded and obtained
eeveraJ COIICie88ioas from the Union such as
freeze OD wqe inCreues, drastic reductions
oo employee bene.fu aud protections~ etc.
In fa~ the coneessions takea from the
workers ammmted to over one million
dollam in additional profit for the oompany.
For example~ prior to its claim of •• going
hankmf)4 n n8ndy Andy was paying for a
Union:-sponsm:ed health insaranee phm
which provided workem with sick leave and
disability · proteeb,Ja. 'The oom.pany later
demanded that~ imm!ad he coveted with
its· own insnranee program which does not
have any sick oc ctisahility ~-
·DUring thf: INmbupacy 'oourt hearing. it
was reve~ that G--. Tamez,. Bandy
' Andy~s 'Vir:e .Presidem for PeiSOiinel, was
earning ·~Only" ~000 per year hamg ·
, ieeeive.d,a·$5.000 wqe inereue just prior to
the CCllllpaDy"s ~Claim..
Tama typifies the ""edueaml'" Maiaus
.-hO sene Juie «uapw•'" waJ by keeping
worbrs 1mder IDIInal ...cJ :pmtflding the
. ~pa&y·s intaests at the a.penae of its
emplOyees;;·
'In~. 1981. the haubapii!J court
~ Baady Aady and the Unioa 10wodt
oUt OOJI4 • IIIIL 'l1ais mJiJJw was a Yictory
for llaDdy Andy.·
The Uuioa eaa:cW aD die fQJIIOIIIic
An important labor strike has been taking
place in the state of Zacatecas, Mexico,
since December 1981 which working people
in the u_s. should know about and support.
The strike involves over 500 women and a
New Y ork-hased eompany which manufac­tures
women's lingerje~
This strike is signiireant in: view of the
frantic negotiations under way between the
Reagan admhiistration and the Mexican
regime aimed at. ".solving" the How· of un­documented
wor.k:ers into the U.S.
One of the •• solutions" offered, by the. PJ."O­husiness
Reagan administratiOO is to allow
more ·U.S. companies to ·open pmduction ·
plants in Mexico (called maqUiladOr.} sup-: ·
poeedly to help ""ereate jobs and keep Mex.;
ican workers in their own· COtUJtry. ·~
The Zacatecas strike against the ~t
Company clearly unmasks the real JDOtives
and iltJ'ategy of U.S. oompaniett operating in.
Mexioo. . , . .
The Crescent plant is loCated at the.
8011them edge of Zacatecas City. Over 500
women were employed making women·s
Jiugerie ·whleh sells in the U.S. under the
trade uame Fipni Flattery.
1982
es parte del programa economico de Ia
administraci6n de Reagan el cual
continua destnyendo programas
destinados a mejorar las necesidades
~de- millones. de gent;e pobre en
EUN.
AI enterarse de este plan, Ia mesa
directiva de la clinica se unio a lideres
de la comunidad, representantes del
gobierno local, estatal y federal y a
· representantes de diferentes distritos
escolares para evitar que se cerrara la .
clinica. El director de BCHS recibio
mucl~ llamadas telefonicas, cartas y
peticionesdelacomunidadexpresando
Ia preocupacionquesefueraa cerrar la
clinica y explocandole el impacto
desastroso que tendria en los
residentes pobres de la comunidad que
reciben servicio en la clinica.
La Clinica Amistad fue establecida
de acuerdo con manda tos
gubernamentales del pasado l>ara dar
serviciosmedicosalosresidentes de un
barrio de San Antonio. En esa area
viven 19,629 personas y de elias 10,500
son pacientes de la clinica. 83% de los
clientes de la clinica son trabajadores
que ganansueldos bajos y oficialmente
califican como "gente pobre" segun
reglamentos federales. ·
Estas J)ersonasson trabajadores que
por el hecho de tener trabajo con
califican para recibir asistencia
publica pero conlo poco que reciben de -
sueldo no pueden pagar por seguro
medico~
Una investigaci(m rPciente revelo
·-er
nt 0
~__L
ers
, Watch Dog ••••••••• 2 . . '
.~I .. Crlmen~Paga •••• 4
· Lucha Triqui •••.••• 6
. ,Federal wom~n •••.• 7
~·-Usted y SU 5alud •••• 7 .
.~
i t
l
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Page 2 EL PUEBLO Mayo/Juniu, 1982
Crescent Con't
As it has with all other maquiladoras, the
Mexican· regime provid~d Crescent with a
rent-free building, free utilities and a vast
pool of women under the control of regime­sponsored
labor unions lead - by sell-out
leaders.
Zacatecas is one of the most impoverished
areas in Mexico. Inflation and high
unemployment have forced thousands of
men and women to come to the U.S. sear­ching
for work. Some of the women strikers
at Crescent had been undocumented
workers in the U.S. at one time or another.
''They (U.S. bosses) exploit a9d abuse us
when we sneak into the U.S. and work for
them. There they do with us as they. please.
But here in Zacatecas they are not going to
get away with it!" said Raquel Rivas one of
the strike leaders.
For over 6 years the company was suc­cessful
in making tremendous profits.
Figure Flattery lingerie sells at high prices
in the U.S. and even higher in Mexico
where it is marketed as "imported U.S.
lingerie."
Bernard Korman, Crescent's president
and general manager, ran the maquiladora
from his New York office. He assigned
Eduardo Rosado Me len, a New York Puer­to
Rican, as plant director who in turn brib-oorrr
suY THE I'Rooucrs ttsrcri
SHOW& ON THE OTHER SIDE
1- Campbell Soup
ed regime officials and labor leaders from
the Confederacion Revolucionaria de
Obreros y Campesinos (CROACt to keep
the workers under control.
W o~ers at Crescent were subjected to the
most inhuman working conditions /im­a~
inable.
Each day they were subjected to
degrading body searches allegedly to keep
them from ·'taking lingerie home." In addi­tion,
they worked 10-12 hours daily in the
closed-in concrete building without windows
nor ventilation system. In return they were
paid only $150 pesos daily (approximately
$2.50 Dls.t
There was no medical facility despite the
numerous accidents and whenever job in­juries
required a worker to seek medical at­tention,
she could leave the plant but was
not paid for the lost time.
Finally, in December 1981, the entire
labor force walked out on strike and the
company locked its doors while it conspired
with t,he Mexican regime to again move its
sewing machines to another city.
The Crescent workers, however, began
~arding the entrance to the plant_24 hours
daily to prevent the c~mpany from moving
the equipment. At the same time their new
qnion, Sindicato Unico Independiente de
Crescent, began legal actioh against the
company. c:r 3
GAMPBELL-LIBBY BOYCOTT
1- m' •.. m' •.. good O V-8 Juice
U Prego Spaghetti Sauce
Vlaslc Pickles
· s ince .August 1978, over 2,000 farmworkers in
northwest Ohio under the leadership of the Farm
Labor Organizing Committee (FLOC I have been on
strike against the Campbell's Soup Company, and the
Libby-1\tkNeill-Libby Corporation. These workers
suffer the worst ·working conditions in America­wages
which average $1.96 an hour' 'inadequate
housing, child labor, and constant exposure to
pesticides. FLOC seeks a contract with the growers
and the danneries that would provide fair wages, safe
working ·conditions, and adequate health benefits.
The strik-ers have experienced poverty, violence, legal ·
attacks, ~nd strikebr~akers, yet they have n>wed to
> Bounty Products 0 Franco-American m Pepperldge Farm
Swanson Frozen Dinners
1 Campbell's Fresh Farm
_. Recipe Pet Food .J Godiva Chocolate IIJ Hanover Trail OJ Pietro's Gold Coast Pfzza a. OomSea
Etflelim·c Food Service
~ lexington Gardens fl•tall
c( Centers U Hetfdel, Fanns Gold Nugget
liJ ··· -.· ..... · Farm
J: ,. Labor . 1- • Organi&ing
· Committ••
''t:f•tat.• V.!ct0ti1.. !213) 3116-8132
1434 W. 01ym:ple Bh<_d.Lo• A<tg~les,CA 90015
~ remain on &trike until Campbell's and Libby's agree
to negotiate. Please support mid,vestern farmworkers
by boycotting all Campbell's and Libby's products. If
you would Like to volunteer time, make a donation or
want more information contact the FLOC Boycott
Office, 1434 W. Olympic Boulevard, Los Angeles, CA
90015, 386-8132. 0
The Mexican National Cultural Ballet under the
direction of Francisco Perez will perform at
the Folk Life Festival on August 7, 1982, at
Hem~sphere Plaza, San Antonio, Texas.
to:
EL P·UEBLO
P. 0. Box 9281
San Antonio, Texas 78204
Name:
Address: State:
City: Telephone:
ZIP:- $5.00 per year Subscription:
Aqui obreros
de la planta
Crescent de
Zacatecas de-mandando
mejor
sueldo y con-diciones
de
trabajo; ahara
cuenta con m~s
apoyo y un
sindicato inde­oendiente
r for·
rna do por los
mismos tra­bajadores.
. Support Your
Newspaper
El PUEBlO
I
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Watchdol! !
The Texas Consumer AssociatiOn's Report from Austin
By Jim Hightower, President
It was late at night. His baby
daughter had stopped breathing.
He did what any parent
would do - he frantically
rushed his child to the hospital,
pausing only to throw on a t­shirt
and jeans.
In the excitement, he forgot
his wallet.
"Uh-uh," said the..elerk at the
emergency 'room. The hospital
was privately owned, not a pub­lic
facility, and it would not open
its doors to the little girl unless
the father could show proof of
insurance or put down- a $200
deposit. He could do neither.
This is a true story. It didn't
happen to some indigent in an
isolated rural county, either. It
happened in Houston, and the
father was a former member of
the Texas legislature. Lucky fo~
him, his nightmare had a happy
ending, because his brother-in­law
lived a couple of miles from
the hospital and was able to dash
over with the cash in time to save
the little girl.
But not all of us have a well­heeled
brother-in-law living near
the hospital, and we might not
be so lucky. That raises the de­vious
question: why should life­saving
treatment be a matter of
luck and cash? Should any emer­gency
room be allowed to deny
entry in a critical situation just
because a person can't pay then
and there?
If a hospital is supported by
public funds - such as a county
hospital - its medical staff is
required to treat all emergency
patients on the spot, without
frisking them at the door to see
how much money they have.
Trouble is, though, more than
300 of the 500 hospitals in Texas
are now owned by private firms,
many of them by out-of-state
hospital chains. And current
state law allows them to turn
you away in an emergency, or
hold you up like they did -the
little girl's father.
Rep. Gonzalo Barrientos is
try lug to change thal ia w. He
sponsored a bill in 1979 and
again this year to require all hos­pitals
to give emergency treat­ment
first and ask financial
questions later.
This emergency service bill is
opposed by the Texas Hospital
Association, which has argued
that the legislation amounts to
government meddling in private
business and that it will lead to
harrassment suits by patients.
Nonsense, says Barrientos,
describing his bill as "a fair re­sponse
to a gross injustice." He
says that no one should die be­cause
they couldn't pay a treat­ment
fee.
What do you think? The
Hospital owners have succeeded
in stopping the bi"' in the last
two sessions of th'e legislature.
Now, in the special legislative
session being heM this summer,
Barrientos will have another
chance to pass it as part of the
larger Medical Practices Act be­ing
considered.
Your views are needed. Write
directly to Rep. Barrientos to let .
him know whether you think
hospital emergency rooms
should talk about fees after giv­ing
treatment to the critically ill
or. injured. His address is: Rep.
Gonzalo Barrientos/ State Capi­tol
Building/ Austin, Texas/
78711.
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-> .....
Crescent Con't ,
Since December 1981 the women have
been practically living outside the main en·
trance to the plant. They sleep on the con·
crete floor, cook their meals on open fires
and use a nearby hill as a rest room facility.
Many of the women are ~ingle mothers
who depended on their job to support their
families. Others were· supporting elderly
parents apd younger brothers and sisters.
Ester Bodina, foi' example, has 6 children
to support. Her children have gone without
eating for several d~ys at a time during the
strike.
Imelda Escobedo is also typical of the
many younger women struggling against the
company. Her parents and younger brothers
depend on her for support.· When asked why
she continued with the strike, she explained,
'·I must continue because if we leave the gr·
ingos will come back, open the plant and
start exploiting other women."
To this date the strikers continue with
their struggle in spite of their deplorable
condition. They have to constantly hit the
city streets asking for donations to continue
their strike; They . continuously suffer
harassment and arrests from policemen and
DONT 8UY TH£ PRODUCTS LISTED
l:IHOW & ON TH£ orHER SIDE.
liBBY. McNEill, .
LISBY PRODUCTS
1- .,libby's
libby's 1- .. l.ibby's
SOUPS 0 SOUf.'TIME
ffi3Q91 . U ctosse an!-! blackwell > FROZEN FOODS
. 'STOUFFER'S 0 .... !.coFFEE and. TEA m " TASTER'SCHOICE
N£SCAH.
NESTEA > · DECAF ,. m SUNRISE
pero m HOTELS and .f}.ESTAUJ3ANTS
_ ttou.ffer · .J rusty scupper ..
CHEESES
1. I ·swiss knight
Wol wiwride · J: gerber
· old fort , · . t- provalorie taclltelli
c:herry hill,
,rogers ·
~""
Support Your
Newspaper
"judiciales {federal police) who use every
opportunity to intimidate and arrest them;
The state governor has refused to enforce
Mexico's labor laws which gives workers
certain rights and protections under similar
situations.
Some strikers fear that the U.S. company
has already set up another sweat shop in
another state.;
However, if the fighting spirit of the
Crestcent workers is any indication, U.S.
companies in Mexico will eventually run out :
of place's to hide their inhuman operations.
Solidarity by U.S. workers and organiza~
tions is critically important. Telegrams and
letters demanding that the rights and safety
· of the Crescen~ workers be respected can be
sent to: '
Gobernador Guadalupe Cervantes Corona
Palacio de Gobierno
Zacatecas, Zacatecas, Mexico
In addition, donations are urgently need­ed
to continue this important strike. Con·
tact Raquel Rivas Hernandez, Sindicato
Unico lndependient~ de Crecent, Urizar
No. 145, Zacatecas, Zacatecas, Mexico. -·-·-·-·-·-·-·-·
0
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Page 3 EL :PUEBLO
I
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Mayo/Junio, 1982
Workers at La
Cr~scent plant at
Zacatecas march
for better wages
and working con
ditions.Sindicato
Independiente
their newly
formed union will
help with their
demands.
•1 will not compromise on my recovery program.~
EL PUEBLO
--..-.-t·orum '~ ·
'Some of us died, while yoU ·•. I
•
HANDCLASP p6ster calls for 0 soli­darity
with the people. of El Sal­By
SHEILA COLLINS
WE DRIFTED into death
on our way to work,
coming back from mass,
in Bible study classes,
while hoeing the grouod
in Santa Ana, La Libertad
and Chalatenango.
Some of us went easily,
knowing only the sharp,
.quick sting which marked
our transformation.
Some of us went slowly
in great,cigr:-nv, like Chria,,
recognizing our own sight
in the vacant eyes of our assassins;
vador."
Sheila Collins is director of the office
of voluntary service, United Methodist
Church, New York. ·
(From: The National Catholic Repo r ter )
in the hands that tensed
before strangling, our own strength;
in the lips that cursed our persistence,
our own voice.
Some of us died in a jungle clearing,
our blood's rich protein
nourishing the forest floor;
Sollie of us had to be gathered in pieces,
limbs severed from torsos
in gulleys and culverts;
Some of us had to be swept
from the plaza in front of the cathedral
of San Salvador.
Some of us died
while you were complaining
of broken contracts;
Some of us died
while you were worrying
about what to wear;
So~e of us died
while you were filling
your basket with groceries;
Some of us died
while you were arguing
about who was most oppressed.
Now there are 10,004 of us
Now you are learning to pronounce our
names
Now we are sometimes mentioned in
your papers
Now we are sometimes remembered. in
prayers.
Perhaps when your sons return in boxes
f rom places called Chalatenango ,
Santa Ana, and la Libertad ;
Pe rhaps when their nightmares
are filled with our faces,
Perhaps you will startle
to find we are kin.
Page 4 EL PUEBLO Mayo/Junio, 1982
EST ADOS UNIOOS
'EI crime .~ ..... g ' ara a e tes ela
Washington le da inmunidad a criminal pero le niega asilo politico a ,socialista
El 23 de marzo la Junta de Apelaciones
de Inmigraci6n en Estados Unidos dicta­min6
que Hector Marroquin, un socialista
nacido en Mexico, debfa salir del pais
antes de 30 dias o ser deportado. Esta
decision sera apelada.
S6lo tres dias mas tarde, el 26 de marzo,
el procurador general en San Diego acus6
a funcionarios de la CIA y del Departa­mento
de Justicia de impedir el encausa­miento
de Miguel Nassar Haro.
Nassar Haro es el ex jefe de la Direcc6n
Federal de Seguridad en Mexico, equiva­lente
al FBI en Estados Unidos. El y otros
tres agentes mexicanos son sospechosos de
ser parte de una pandilla de ladrones de
autom6viles que se robaron 600 vehiculos
avaluados en 8 millones rle d6lares. ·
Justamente cuando el gobierno de Esta- ;­dos
Unidos arrecia sus intentos por depor- ·
tar a Hector Marroquin, esta. protegiendo a
uno de los mas infames policias mexica­nos.
Y da la casualidad que la conexi6n
entre estos dos casos es bastante mas
profunda.
Marroquin huy6 a Estados Unidos en
1974 despues que las autoridades mexica­nas
fabricaron cargos falsos de asesinato
contra el. Hasta entonces el habia parti.ci­pado
en el movimiento estudiantil Mexi­cano.
Marroquin trabaj6 en Estados Unidos
bajo otro nombre basta que fue arrestado
por el Servicio de Inmigraci6n y Naturali­zaci6n
(SIN) en 1977. El SIN trat6 de
deportarlo; Marroquin comenz6 a luchar
porque se le conceda el asilo politico.
Motlvaci6n politlca para Ia deportaci6n
Es obvio que las razones para estas
amenazas de deportaci6n son politicas:
Marroquin es miembro del Comite Nacio­nal
del_ Partido Socialista de los Trabajado­res
(PST -Socialist Workers Party) en
Estados Unidos y del Comite Ejecutivo
Nacional de la ·Alianza de la Juventud
Socialista (AJS -Young Socialist
Alliance) tam bien de este pais.
Las nuevas revelaciones acerca del ex
jefe de policia mexicano Nassar Haro
esclarecen min mas la naturaleza politica
del caso contra Marroquin. El nombre de
. Nassar Haro aparece repetidas veces en la
evidencia y el testimonio que Marroquin
ha presentado para probar que sufriria
persecusi6n poUtica de ser forzado a regre­sar
a Mexico.
A raiz del intento del fiscal federal de
San Diego, William Kerinedy, de procesar
Clinic Amistad Con't
A ~nt survey of prim&ry health care
resources indicates that there is a surplus of
primary care providers in the immediate
area contiguoos to tlie ctinic's service area.
Primary care providers are docton of
osteopathic medicine, pediatricians. docton
. of obtetrics and gynocology. -famlly and
general practitioners. The survey identified
156 primary care providers. Of this total.
the offices of 85 were contacted. The results
reveal that 40% could not communicate in
Spanish. Of those who did, 14% were not
accepting new patients. Of \hose who
responded, none had any kind of time pay­ment
plan and the average cost for the initial
visit was $48.70. It is obvious that niost of
the working poor do not have accessibility t.o
these resources even though they represent a
surplus.
La Clinica Amistad assures that primary
health eare services are. readily available to
the residents of its service area. No one iS
denied service hecailse of inability to pay.
Payment for services rendered is based on
the patients' ability to pay in acconlance
with a sliding fee 8cale. Those whQ absolute-..
ly cannot afford to pay are given an oppor­tunity
to volunteer their skills to perfonn
essential functions at the clinic Ci.e. clerical,
maintenance etc.). The clinic is opened
Monday-Saturday. Appointments are given _
on a dally basis.
a Nassar Haro, Ia Agen1ia Central de
Inteligencia norteamericana b:a reconocido
que Nassar Haro era su «fuente [de infor­maci6n]
mas importante en Mexko y Cen­troamerica".
Este agente de la CIA e.spiaba
a los dirigentes .de los: movimientos de
liberaci6n de El Salvado.r y Guatemala y
proporcionaba informacion a los yanquis.
(Poco despues de que Kennedy revelara
esta informacion el presidente Reagan lo
despidi6 por hacer publica la c:o:nexion de
Nassar Haro con la CIA.)
El SIN ha rechazado la as:evel'acion de
Marroquin de que seria vfctima de p:.ersecu­sion
politica en Mexico. Esta ageneia
· ademas alega que el ·socia!is:ta. pudiera-ser
un peligroso criminal y que par lo tanto
deberia negarsele el as:ilo po1itien.
En su defensa Marroquin ha presentado
volumenes de evidencia que p:rueoan la ­falsedad
de los cargos criminales• contrael.
y que Ia represi6n politica: sf existe en
Mexico.
Evidencia de Ia represi6n poiicfaca:
Dedaraciones juradas y testimonio es­crito
presentados para respaldar la peti­cion
de asilo de Marroqufn detallan la
brutalidad del sistema judicial y de la
polida federal de Mexico. Testimonio adi­cional
-corroborado por los me:dios de
infonnaci6n mexicanos- sefrala ·la exis-
. tencia d~ unidades paramilitare:s, organiza­das
por las fue:rzas de seguridad dei go­bierno
y responsables por la desaparicion
de_ cientos de activistas politicns:.
En Ia evidencia presentada un nombre
aparece una y otrn. vez: Miguel Nassar
Haro. En repeticbunx~asiones se le identi­fica
como secuestador, torturador y jefe
principal de las prisiones clandestinas en
Mexko.
Uri funcionario de lit CIA, refiriendose a
Nassar Haro, dijo:
.. Sabiamos que no era un angel, pero uno
no tiene mucbas opciones. Uno no puede
decirle a los mexicanos oomo manejar su
gobierno. Mucbas veces no nos gustan sus
metodos. pero cwmdo uno necesita infor­macion,
uno toma lo que puede·•.
Y Nassar Haro no solamente no es un
••angel". Nassar Haro es Ia persona seiia­lada
por testigo tras testigo como el organi­zador
y el dirigente de la Brigada Blanca,
una cuadrilla de asesinos compuesta por
policias de las fuen:as de seguridad mexi­canas.
SOlo durante cl periodo de 1977 a
1978, esta organizacion fue responsable
por la desaparici6n de cerca de 300 activis­tas
politicos.
Las golpizas, torturas y desapariciones
que sn:fre:n los luchadores por la · justicia
sociall en Mexico -y por toda Latinoame­rica-
son ""made in the USA". hechas en
Estados Unidos para el beneficio de los
consorcios- transnacionales norteamerica­nos
que explotan a los pueblos de America
Latina_ I
El mismo gmpo q~e esta detras de la
represi6n de activnstaS politicos en Mexico
esta detrns de los intentos de deportar a .
Marroquin..- Ese gmpo es Ia clase domi­nante
de Esbdos Unidos.
- ' ~
Matones como Nassar Haro y otros
pueden robar y aseSinar impunemente,
torturar. espiar y :fabricar cargos contra
personas inocente.s. y cuentan sin embargo
con Ia proteccWn del gobienio norteameri­cano.
Como lo seiialo un ex funcionario del
· Departamento de Justicia acerca de Nas­sar
Haro: •"El crimen si paga si uno. esta
protegido por Ia CIA ...
Lo que esm en juego en el caso de Hector
Marroquin es e! derecho del pueblo trabaja­dor
de protestar contra la politica interna y
Ia politica exterior del gobierno de Estados
Unidos sin temor a1 hostigamienio, la
persecusion. e! encareelamiento, o la depor-tacion.
·
La lucha de Marroquin contra su depor­tacion
es la lucha de todos aq:uellos que se
oponen a la injerencia de Estados Unidos
en otros paise;; y de aquellos que se oponen
a las mcticas de estado policiaco de Wash­ington
dentro y fuera ; de Estados Uni­dos.
· 0
Tomado de P.M.
these
business~s:
Kelly Island Cafe
2·210 Cupples
Con~ie's Cafe
737 Hwy 81 So_.
A~mand Food Store
3602 W. Woodlawn
lEI Mexiquito Restaurant I
~;1212 Nogali tos •
I I
IClinica Amistad I
·IJ 501 T_ampico I
)Calderon Grocery
11425 sw 19th
.1
I
I
I
I
I
Taco Ma.rt 112
1402 Quintana Rd.
tupt-ta' s RestauraiK
S92 3 Culebra
Little House Caf~
107 S. Flores
01 ga • s : Caf~
3735. S~ Military
Ot.'-~e.gont. s-. - R~ <:ords
2219 Zarzamora
I
I
'• I
I
I
I
I
'•
La Clinica Amistad is a vital element to
the community it t:Jerves. If
REAGANOMICS prevail, 10,500 people
would be left with virtually no meaningful
primary health care services since most can.:
not afford service from the private sector.
Let us fight to keep the ctinic opened . Jw IZ~ .. lZf'XN'flt? ... /501 Tampico~:,
..... ... -- .... " .. ....,. ..... -~-- ~- ~ .. ,. ~ ~ - - .... __.. ., .... .,. ... ,. ".. ~-~~-:',~~. .. -=-<-~:~: ~:~>:-~:\~ '~~~-~:~:~--~~. . ~~-.:,~~:~:~-:-~ >:~ ~ .. ~ ... ~
,;.."' "".. ...: --"-"f._,•. ........ " ........- "
I
Page 5 EL PUEBLO Mayo/Junio, 1982 _ I
l
. S. shields Mexico death squad leader, 1
sses eitort ·to oeoort socialis
BY NELSON GONZALEZ
On March 23 the Board of Immigra­tion
Appeals ruled that Hector Marre­quin,
a socialist born in Mexico, must
leave the country within 30 days or be
deported. The decision will be appealed.
Just three days later, on March 26,
the U.S. attorney in San Diego charged
that top Justice Department and CIA of­ficials
have blocked prosecution of Mi­guel
Nassar Haro.
Nassar Haro is the former chiefofthe
Directorate of Federal Security in Mexi­co,
the ·equivalent of the FBI. He and
three other Mexican cops are suspected
of being part of a stolen car ring that
ripped off 600 cars worth $8 million.
At the very moment the U.S. govern­ment
is stepping up its attempts to de­port
Marroquin, it is protecting one of
Mexico's most notorious cops. And it
turns out the connection between the
two cases runs much-deeper.
Marroquin fl~d to the United States
in 1974 after the Mexican authorities
framed him up on murder charges. He
had been active in student protests
there.
Marroquin worked in this country un­der
an assumed identity until he was ar­rested
by the INS in 1977. The. INS
moved to deport him; Marroquin began
a fight for political asylum.
~portationthreatpoliticru
It is clear the reasons for tpe deporta­tion
threat are political: Marroquin is a
member of the Socialist Workers Party
Political Committee and the Young So­cialist
Alliance National Executive
Committee.
The new revelations - surrounding
Mexican top cop Nassar Haro make the
political nature of Marroquin's case
even more clear. Nassar Haro's name
comes up repeatedly in evidence Marro­quin
has submitted to prove ·he faces
persecution if forced to return to Mexico.
In the wak€ of the prosecution at­tempt
by the San Diego U.S. attorney,
William Kennedy, , U.S. intelligence
agencies admitted Nassar Haro was
their "most important source in Mexico
and Central America." ,He ~pied on lead­ers
of the Salvadoran and Guatemalan
liberation mov~ments and turned over
information to the CIA.
(Shortly after Kennedy let this infor­mation
out, President Reagan fired him
for publicly revealing Nassar Ibro'~
CIA job.)
The INS has rejected Marroquin's as­sertion
tbat.he would face :Political per­secution
if he were sent back to Mexico.
The agency further claims that the so-
- cialist may be-a dangerous criminal and
that he should be denied pOlitical asy­lum
on these grounds. -
In the course of fighting his 'case, Mar­roqUin
has submitted volumes of evi­dence
proving the cri:miiiai charges
against him are false, and that political
repression does indeed exist ~in Mexico.
Testimony and written affidavits sub-mitted
on behalf of Marroquin's asylum
appeal detail the brutality of Mexico's
federal police and judicial systeB_l. Fur­ther
testimony - corroborated by the
Mexican press-points to the existence
of paramilitary units· organized by gov­ernment
security forces and :responsible
for the disappearance ofhtJIHh.eds of pol­itical
activists.
One name keeps coming up over and
over in all the evidence: Miguel Nassar
Haro. Repeatedly, he is identified as a
kidnapper, torturer, and chi~ jailer of
the underground prisons in Mexico.
"We knew he was no ~1," ~done
CIA official about Nassar HBro, "but
you don't have much choice."
Not only isn't Nassar Haro an "an­gel,"
Nassar Haro is the individuru cited
by Witness after witness as the organiz­er
and the leader of the "White Bri­gade/'
a death squad made up of cops
from Mexico's security foroes~ During
the 1977-78 period alone, this organiza­tion
was responsible for the disappear­ance
of nearly 300 political activists.
In an article in the January 22, 1979,
issue of the Mexican magazine Proceso,
two prisoners assert in written state­ments
that Nassar Haro personally tor­tured
them to fo:ree them to confess to
crimes they had not committed. Accord­ing
to ~their- -testimony. Nassar -Haro
either suPerVised or personally admiois­tered:~
Je~ngs, submerSions, and elect­ric
shock, ana -tbrea~ned the prisoQers
witb shooting to Qlitain coDfessioas.
Super\ised torture
_ One. of'the prisoners, Jtj~es Monin,
described what happened after he was­picked
up and transported to-an un­known
location by the Directorate of
Federal Security. _ _
' "At the end of the trip, we underwent
a beating and submersion session that
lasted for hours, all under the supervi­sion
of Mr. Miguel Nassar Haro from the
Directorate ofFederal Security."
Another prisoner, Armando lracheta
Lozano, also testified that he was per­sonally
brutalized by Nassar Haro in a
1978 sworn statement presented in sup­port
ofMarroquin's asylum petition. He
was taken to a hospital to identify as"'
guerrillas people killed by police, and
when he refused to do so "Nassar Haro
•.. beat me with his hands and feet,
threatening to kill me in front of all tlie
people who were there at that public in­stitution."
On March 21, 1978, Rosario Ibarra de
Piedra, the centralleaderofthe Nation­al
Front against Repression in Mexico
and an internationally known fighter
for human rights, held a press confer­ence
in Washington, D.C.
At the press conference, which was or­ganized
by Congressmen Ron Dellums
and Walter Fauntroy, she denounced
the repressive actions of the Mexican
government. She especially scrired the
formation of the White Brigade.
"The brigade is run by Miguel Nassar
Haro, [then] subdirector of the Directo­rate
of Federal Security," Ibarra said.
"Its purpose is to disappear those who
they suspeCt of subversion; the majority
of its victims are young students like n;tY -
son, who have J:>oiitical ideas that some
politicians consider a threat or a danger
to the government."
Ibarra also revealed that "the 'White
Brigade' is made up of the niost select
agents of the Federal Judicial Police,
an9- by members of the Mexican army,
and is a secret repressive organization
similar to the famous, Brazilian <Jleath
Squad' and the Guatemalan CWhlte-
Hand/" ,
D1.1ring the press conference,_ Jbarra
releaSed a JjstJ4243 people dis&ppeared
by the police and tire W}ljte BrigacJ~.
There have been repeated charges
that behind such death squads stands
the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency.
'fhat the CIA's "most important" agent
in- Mexico turns out to have been the
head of the Mexican death squad con­firms
these accusations.
Washington in trouble
And the U.S. government intends to
maintain this repressive relationship.
As a March 28 New York Times head­line
put it, "C.I.A. Fears Spy Network
May Suffer ifHe [Nassar Harol Is Prose­cuted."
And to make it even clearer. the
same article quotes a CIA seni9r ofricial
as saying, "The C.I.A.'s main worry all
along has been the potential damage to
the institutional relationship. It was
Nassar'sjob, notNassar, that mattered."
This helps explain why the U.S. gov­ernment
has so adamantly refused to
grant Marroquin political asylum. It's
for the same reason that Nassar Haro
won't be prosecuted, and that U.S. At­torney
Kennedy was fired.
The beatings, tortures: and disappear­ances
that fighters for social justice are
victims of in Mexico - and throughout
Latin America - are "made in the
USAh for the benefit of the U.S. corpora­tions
that exploit the peoples of Latin
America.
The same group that was behind the
repression of political activists in Mexi­co
is behind the drive to deport Marro­quin
now. That group is the U.S. ruling
class.
Goons like Nassar Haro and others
can steal, torture, murder, spy, and or­ganize
frameups and still count on U.S.
government protection. As a former Jus­tice
Dep<!_rtment official commented re­garding
Nassar ]Iaro, "Crime pays if
you are shielded by the CIA."
What is at stake in the case of Hector
Marroquin is the right of working peo­ple
to protest against the foreign and do­mestic
policies of the U.S. government
without fear of harassment, jail, or de­portation.
(From S.W.P.)
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Et MOVIMIENTO DE UNIFICACION y ·LUCHA TRIQUI
En VOCES 'DEL CAMPO. nos vemos obliga­dos
a publicar denuncias de represi6n .contra
los campesinos y en particular contra los indi­genas.
Se nos ~a diclto que este peri6dico parece
a veces un muro de lamentaciones. Aunque tam­bien
intentamos presentar las experiencias vic­toriosas
para- q~e de alii se saquen lecciones para
Ia lucha, no podemos ·de jar de hablar de tanto
atropello que ~e comete a diario. Sin embargo,
en esta ocasi6ri: en que vamos a hablar de Ia vio­lencia
contra Ips indfgenas triquis de Oaxaca,
queremo~ resaltar c6mo en este . caso y en mu·
chos btros Ia violencia desatada se debe a Ia pe­netraci6n
del capitalismo en estas zonas. A veces
se trata de ganaderos que transforman las
comunidades indfgenas y los terrenos comunales
en potreros, otras veces se trata de compafHas
mineras o forestales que desplazan a los campe­sfnos
para explotar ~us recursos o arrasan con sus
bosques. ·
Los Triquis son indfgenas del estado de Oaxa­ca,
de Ia regi6n de San Juan Copala, que desde
hace tiempo han sido hostilizados tanto por ca­ciques
regionales como por las. autoridades. Sin
embargo, de diez anos para aca Ia represi6n con­tra
este grupo ha aumentado, al grado de que ya
son 500 los triquis asesinados y hay decenas de
presos actua.lmente en las carceles de Juxtlahua­ca,'
"Putla· y Tlaxiaco. El motivo es el interes de
las com.paii las madereras por penetrar en Ia zona
y despojar a las comunidades de sus montes.
Basques de Oaxaca y de Tuxtepec as I como una
empresa de los caciques Iglesias de Jamiltepec en
con·creto son los causantes de todo el problema.
Tambien los acaparadores de cafe, los Robles y
los Alonso de Putla y los Romero de Juxtlahua­~
a han despojado a los campesinos triquis de sus
tierras de cultivo.i ·
La represi6n es tal que en 1980 dos jornaleros
triquis que trabajaban en campos jitorhateros en
Sinaloa fueron secuestrados y trasladados a Co­pala
donde se encontr6 el cadaver de uno de
ellos. ·
En junio de 1~81 uno de los triquis incondi­cionales
de los caciques y traidores de Ia comu­nidad
fue muerto por pleitos entre los mismos
pistoleros. Este asesinato ha servido de pretexto
para que se desatara Ia represi6n en Ia region de
Copala ya que con el pretexto de 'investigar' y
'vigilar' Ia zona, ~sta se encuentra invadida por
Ia policla municipal y elementos del ejercito
quienes, con armas de alto poder, andan intimi­dando
a Ja poblad,6n.
Los supuestos vigilantes del orden publico se
han dedicado a saquear casas, a violar a las mu­jeres,
a robar chivos, borregos y gallinas.
Los indfgenas organizados en el Movimiento
de Unificaci6n y Lucha Triqui "Luis Flores Gar­cia"
(MUL T) han denunciado Ia represi6n de Ia
que son objeto ante el Frente Nacion·al contra Ia
Los Triquis indigenas del
estado de Oaxaca, de la
region de San Juan Cop ale:'.;
marchan cpntra la repres1on
Represi6n y ante Ia Secretarfa de GobernaCi6n.
Despues de Ia entrevista sostenida ~n Ia Secreta­ria
de Gobernaci6n el 5 de noviembre pasado,
uno de los miembros de Ia Comisi6n Negociado­ra,
Juan Martinez Lopez fue bajado de un ca­rnian
-cerca de Copaia- por"los judiciales y des-
. tazado a machetazos.
. En una carta dirigida at Gobernador del Esta­do
de Oaxaca el 23 de noviembre de 1981 y con
copia~ al Secretario de Gobernaci6n, a las auto­ridades
judiciales y pol fticas del Estado de Oaxa­ca,
el Frente Nacional contra Ia Represi6n ( F .N.
C.R.) y a Ia CNPA, el MUL T demanda:
"1.- Que se ejecute Ia Resoluci6n Presiden­cial
de las Tierras Comunales de San Juan Co­pala.
'-'2.-:- Alto al hostigamiento de las cornpaii las
madereras, que pretenden apoderarse de nues­tros
bosques.
''3:- Elecci6n democratica de las autoridades
municipatesde Ia agencia municipal de San Juan
Copala.
"4.- Alto a .:a represi6n: Castigo a los ;pisto·
!eros de los caciques responsables de num:erosos
crimenes, salida del ejercito y de Ia polici~ de Ia
comt•nidad, retiro.de las 180 6rdenes de aP,rehen­si6n
y alto a Ia persecuci6n contra los triquis; li­bertad
de 26 pres~ pol fticos detenidos". l
Para los copalenos es muy importante: tener
como agente municipal a uno de los suyo~, a un
companero de lucha, a un Tinujei, como ~e !Ia­man
ell os entre s I. Desde 1948 cuando se l:e qui­t6
a Copala el rango de municipio, el poblado ha
quedado convertido en agencia de Juxtlahuaca
dominada por acaparadores de cafe y caciques.
Es por ello que el MUL T Ianzo como candidate
a agente municipal el 26 de diciembre pas~do a
un maestro bilingue, Rogelio Alvarez, compaiie·
rode lucha en contra de Ia explotaci6n.
Por tanta persecuci6n existente en Ia zona los
Triquis nunca se at rev fan a bajat a las elecciones.
En esta ocasi6n se difundi6 en Ia radro un ' acta
de gobernaci6n, er. que se prometfan garantlas
para las elecciones, que no se iba a detener a los
que tuvieran 6rdenes de apr~hensi6n. Sin: em­bargo,
durante Ia campaiia desarrollada por el
MUL T, en el barrio de Yozoyuxi, como escar­miento
para Ia poblaci6n, el ejercit6 avent6 en Ia
plaza los cuerpos torturados de tres triquis. El
11 de diciembre, Juan Cruz de Jesus, de San
Miguel Copala muere en una emboscada tendida
por pistoleros de los caciques en Ia cumbre de
Agua Frfa y Francisco Ortiz del Barrio de Ras­trojo.,
resulta herido.
A "pesar de las amenazas, el 26 de diciembre
sucede lo nunca visto. JY1as de 500 jefes de fa­milia
triquis o sea unas 2,000 personas contando
mujeres e hijos, bajan de diversos puntos de Ia
·Sierra. Vienen a elegir a su agente municipaL A
los habitantes de nueve barrios de Ia montana el
ejercito les cierra el paso. La policla judicial ro- . '
dea Ia plaza donde se efectua Ia votaci6n. A Ia
manera tradicional Ia gente se forma en fila: de
un lado por el candidate del pueblo y del otro,
por el tftere de los caciques: "un muchacho que
no sabe leer siquiera".
Mientras los judiciales dejan votar al que quie­ra
en Ia fila del ca'ndidato del PR I, en Ia del can­didato
popular, van sacando j6venes con esposa
e hijos de Ia fila: "Tu no estas en edad".
Gana el candidato del PRI con un margen de
195 votos (entre 1200 votantes). Para cblmo se
· multa a los perdedores: que les disparen l_as cer­vezas
a ·los soldados, policlas y ganadores.
A pesar. del fraude, de Ia privaci6n de libertad
por parte del ejercito, el pueblo triqui tuvo el
valor de manifestarse. Por cada uno de los qui­nientos
triquis que pudieren permanecer ·en Ia
fila de votaci6n, decenas de compaii~ros suyos
detenidos, amenazados o con temor todavla de
bajar de Ia sierra estan con el. Este fueron 500
y el aiio proximo seran mil, dos mil 0 cinco mil
porque los tri,quis ya no esta solos. El 12 de fe­brero
el MUL T ingres6 formal mente a Ia CNPA.
-------------------------------------------------------~------------~----
a .
OUR FUTURE IS. UP TO YOU
los lnvitamos
Ser _. Parte De El Pueblo
Help . Us Continue
Publishing The Truth
We invite our re(lder$ and supporters to
help continue El Pufblo.
El Pueblo is strictly a volw1teer effort and
no one receives payment for his/her time
and talent.
Funds-needed for printing, photography,
mailing and other expenses are obtained
through benefit dances and festivals.
However, your donations and aCtive par·
ticipation is needed if El Pueblos is to grow
into a more powerful and effective voice for
our community.
A& an independent community-based
newtpaper, El Pueblo must depend on your
help.
Those of us who help with aU the work re·
quired to publish El Pueblo do so because
we believe that the Mexican people can and
must have our own newspaper that tells the
truth and is not controlled by any politician
or self-serving political group.
The current and future e<X)nomic, social
and political dangers require that each of us
become more active if we are to defend
ourselves from racism, low-pay, unemploy~
ment, police abuse and many other dangers
our people face.
No one else is going to do it for us.
So, we have to rely and help our own
organizers if they .1re honestly trying to
forge a strong unity among our people.
We are confident that together we can do
it. Our own history proves that we can do it.
Contact El Pueblo and volunteer your
help. Call us at 224-4250.
lnvitamos a todos nuestros l~ctores
y simpatizantes a que ayuden a con­tinuar
1a publicacion·de El Pueblo.
El Pueblo se publica con los esfuer­zos
colectivos ·de voluntarios y nadie
recibe pago por S\l tiempo y· talento.
El dinero necesario para -pagar la
imprenta, las fotos, timbres de cor­reo,
y otros g~s se obtiene por
medio de bailes y festivales de
beneficio. Sin embargo, se . necesita
sus donaciones y su activa participa­cion
para que El Pueblo cresca mas y
se convierta en una voz de 1a com­unidad.
niaS fuerte y efectiva.
Como peri6dico independiente con .
base en 1a comunidad, El Peublo ob­viamente
depefl4e en le respaldo de
usted.
Los que laboramos voluntariamente
en 1a publicacicSn de El Pueblo lo
hacemos porque creemos que el
pueblo mexicano y latino puede y
debe tener su propio peridico que diga
1a verdad y que no este controlado por
ningun politiq1_1ero ni grupo politico.
Los problemas y pellgros
economicos, sociales y polltlcos de
hoy y maiiana requieren que todos
nosotros seamos mas activos si
deseamos protejemos del racismo,
los bajo sueldos, el desempleo, abusos
polidacos y muchos ortros peligros
que confrontan a nuestra gente.
Nadie lo va a hacer por nosotros.
. Por lo tanto, tenemos que depender
de.nuestros propios organizadores
honestos si vamos a establecer una
unidad inquebrantable entre nuestro
. pueblo.
Nosotros estamos seguros que si
podemos lograr ~ wiidad. Nuestro
propia historia nos demuestra que lo
podemos hacer.
Contacte a El Pueblo y ofresca su
ayuda. Uamenos al telefono (512)
224-4250.
Handy Andy Con't
deniimds made by Handy Andy except the
pension plan and other minor items.
Again the court helped Handy Andy by
ruling that the company could reject the
Union contract.
Financial records filed in bankruptcy
court disclosed that from September, 1981,
through March, 1982, Handy Andy spent
over one million dollars fighting the Union.
The company could have used those 1
million dollarR mstead t ·J keep it from going
''broke.' '
However. it is obvious that Handy Andy,
like other corporations throughout the U.S.,
is using u ,c friendly court systems and
media·OI· . ..:strated public fears for one
unmentioned goal: To destroy the labor
movement.
Records show, for example, that Handy
Andy sold its Austin stores to a company
called "Resgo." Resgo was organized just
'last summer by Robert E. Steward who con­veniently
resigned as president of Handy
Andy in March, 1982, after the bankruptcy
claim was filed.
Handy Andy and Resgo now argue that
because of the change in "ownership" of the
Austin stores, the old union contract is void
and Resgo can hire new employees instead
of retaining old Handy Andy employees.
The end result is that employees with many
years of seniority and service with Handy
Andy and due to retire soon are now out iri
the cold.
What remains to be seen is the degree of
support that Handy Andy strikers receive
from the AFL-CIO and the general public.
The writing is on the wall: If Handy can get
away with this inhuman anti-workers
maneuver, other companies will undoubted­ly
claim "bankruptcy" and make similar
demands from employees.
Page 7 EL PUEBLO Mayo/Junio, 1982
ueneueJJeneueuenetteuetteuettenetteuetteueueuetteueueueuettenettetteneneueueuetleneueueueueueueueueueneueneueue.neueuetleueu•u•n•n•t•enettettettenettelleueueuenetlenetteuetleueneueueu ·"1
(7ederal Employed Women
~a,tional Training Program
; The Federally Employed Women's 13th
National Training Program will be held in
San Antonio ]t.:.ly 21-24 at the Henry B.
Gonzales Convention Center. This is the
first time for the annual Training Program
to be held in the Southwest.
The federal government's largest civilian
training program will feature more than 100
work,shops focusing on career management,
job and personal effectiveness, management
skills, federal personnel systems, and equal
employment opportunity. .
. -----
· · ·- ·· -
[-
The FEW Southwest Region, host for the
sessions, is inviting both . military and
civilian government employees, as well as
non-government personnel, to attend. Over
3 ~500 people are expected.
Workshops will cover women's careers
from all angles; upward mobility, single
parenting, retirement planning, travel and
legal aspects are just a few on the agenda.
For information, call the National Train­ing
Program Hotline (512) 225-2079.
El Equipo De EL PUEBLO:
Rodolfo Flores, Carlos Dominguez, E~a Flores,
Maria Rodriguez
The following persons contributed to .this
issue:_ Jane_McComsey, UFCW Local 171. AFL-CIO~
Dr. Ma~1o Jimenez and tederal tmpl~yed Women
EL PUEBLO is a non-profit community newspaper
puplished mo n thly.
We welcome articles on issues impor~ant to the
community.
Donations are urgently needed to
PUEBLO independent. We also need
typing, lay-out and distribution •
keep
·p:elp
EL
with
If you believe, as we do, that EL PUEBLO is
s~rving an important purpose, pleas~ help by
calling (512) 224-4250 and volunteerirtg.
I
Usted Y Su Sa I ud Vacunas Para los Nino·s
.Por: Dr. MARIO JIMENEZ
Todos los ninos que van a
la escuela por primera vez
deben de tener completas sus
vacunas. Los niilos que asis­ten
a guarderias . inf::-nt;:ile~
tambiln requieren las inyec- . ~
c~ones.
. A los bebes se les deben de
principiar las inyecciones a
los dos meses de ·edad para
_ protejerlos contra las enfer-.
medades. Estas enfermedades
incluyen la difteria, teta­nos,
poliomielitis,sarampion,
s~rampion aleman, tos ferina,
y ' paperas. Asegure que sus
ninos tienen completas sus
vacunas. Lo siguiente es la
dlvicion en cual se debe pro­tej
er al nillo:
(Se presentara)la informacitn
en espanol y luego se
repitir~en {ngles)
Difteria, tetanos, tos ·ferina
y polio •.• a los 2, 4, y 6 me­ses
. Otra vacuna a l os 15
meses.
(Q:i,phth,eria, tetanus, pertu:
sis and polio •.• at 2, 4 and 6
months. Another shot at 15
months old)
Sarampion, paperas y rubeola.
.. a los 15 meses
(Measles, mumps and three-day
measles or german measles ••.•
at 15 months)
Despu{s de tener 1a prime­ra
inyeccion hay un periodo
de espera. Se debe de poner
una inyecci6n de refuerzo. Lo
siguiente es recommendable:
Difteria y tetanos •... a los 6
anos.
(Diphtheria and tetanus •••• at
6 years)
Tos ferina, polio, tetanos,
difteria ••• a los 14-16 anos.
(Pertusis, polio, tetanus and
diphtheria ••• at 14-16 years)
Tetanos y difteria •.•• cada 10
anos .
(Tetanus and diphtheria ..••.
ev~ry 10 years)
Uno debe saber algo sobre
estas enfermedades por lo
tanto dar{ una descripci6n de
cada una:
Rubeola (Sarampion Aleman):
La causa es un virus que se
encuentra en la nariz y la bo­ca
de las personas infectadas .
El sarampion: aleman afecta
por lo regular a los ninos pe­quenos,
pero los adultos .tam­bien
lo pueden contraer. Es
una enfermedad muy contagiosa ..
Los sintomas son fiebre le­ve
por un dia y por lo regu­lar
salpullido o pequenas
manchas color de rosa que
principian en la cara y el
cuello y duran de uno a tres
dias. Los resultados ~on
leves pero si una mujer emba­razada
lo contrae, su bebe
puede nacer sordo, ciego o
puede resultar con otros
problemas f{sicos severos.
.la boca o la nariz.
El sarampion es una enfer­medad
muy contagiosa.
Los sintomas son cansancio
general, fiebre y escalofrios
y tos. Race que la luz in­tensa
lastime los ojos y que
se produzcan lagrimasabundan­tes.
Aparecen pequenas man­chas
rojas en la cara y el
cuerpo. El resultado es que
puede causar otros problemas
de salud, incluyendo pulmonia .
bronquitis,, sordera y puede
danar el cer ebra.
J:'aperas:
La causa e$ :un virus que
entra al cuerPo a ~raves de
la boca o la nariz. Se pueden
contraer por contacto con al­guien
que tenga la enfermedad.
Los sintomas son glandulas
inflamadas, dolor de cabeza,
dolor de oidos, perdida de
apetito y fiebre. ·
Los resultados pueden ser
Sarampion (Sarampion de 10 sordera, infe'ccion del sis­dias):
tema nervioso, dano al cora­~
causa es un virus que ~.zon. rinones, y los organos
et;l.ti:'a .d~" r_reproduc_t~yos.
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Page 8 EL PUEBLO Mayo/Junio, 1982
La Clinica Con' I
que si existen v-cll'ios medicos privados
en 1a misma area donde estilla clinica.
La investigacion indica que hay 156
doctores en esa area y de ellos85 fueron
entrevistados~ De los 85 que fueron
entrevistados, 40% no hablan espaiiol y
el14% de los que sihablanespaiiolyano
aceptan pacientes nuev,os. Ademas,
ninguno de estos medicos acepta pagos
parciales y requieren que se les pague
inmediatamente por su servicio. El
costo de la primer visita a estos
medicos es $48.70.
Estos datos indican claramente que
Ia Iilayorla de la gente pobre que Ia
Clinica Amistad sirve no podra
i:'ecurrir a esos medicos. ·
La Clinica Amistad provee a los
babitantes del barrio con servicios
medicos adecuados y profesionales. A
nadie se leniegaatenci6nsimplemente
por no poder pagar. Los que pueden ·
pagar se les cobra segunsus ingresos y
aquellas personasquenopuedanpagar
pero puedan ayudar voluntariamente
en la clinica se les pide lo hagan. La
clinica esta abierta de lunes a sabado.
--------~-----------------~
SI UD. VI\~ DENTRO LA AREA:
INDICADA POR EL ~~P, UD. r
PUEDE RECIBIR SERVICIOS :
MEDICOS Y DENTAL AQUI EN :
LA CLINICA AliiiSTAD. 1
LLAMA AL 223-2342 :
-------~----.:.-----~-----·--'
-
sa.unders
•----··aO St.
Clinic located
at 1501 Tampico
~. I I
~
0
e
~
N
~
~
N
City Rd.
Hwy.
IH. 35
La Clinica Amistad tiene un papel
muy importante en la comunidad. Si el
plan del presidente Reagan triunfa,
10,500 personas que 1a clinica ayuda se
quedaran sin servicio medico
simplemente por que no podran pagar
lo que doctores privados cobran por el
mismo servicio. La comunidad
necesita luchar para mantener la
Clinica Amistad abierta. Si la
coxnunidad que se beneficia de este
servicio no responde y no lucha para
que nose cierren su8 puertas, la Clinica
Amistad probablemente se convertira 7 ·--.;.;.,...o..;~..;.;, · ,....._, ·-·-~---.,; I
en na victima mas del plan de Reagan.
Somas trabajadores •••
h~cemos Ia riq·ueza •••
tenemos ·derechos.
W.ut..ri.J IJI,..... .............. ••c. P.O.lb~•e..l.allAapb.e&.!lmi -
'*'XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX!XXXXXXXXXX)
b~ No(lnl chol1lskY
A 28:. · .. page:;- booklet
systemat.ic, c~nstruct·ion
the ideology .. of lJ. s . . -foretgn· ·pOJ?tc~~;i;1~: I·
by the lhl;it~d ·States . GQYel'11J!lertt: - _
newsmedia. . This, booklet·:> focus·es oti .
the recent . events in Ea~t:.'.~Ti~r·' antt. :.. .
El Salvador. .. · · · · 60¢···•,.
..
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